by Bill Sulzman
Current discussions about the application of International law to
the issue of space usually focus on two treaties, the Outer Space Treaty (1967)
and the ABM Treaty (1972).
I will try to explain how both
treaties affect our work for safe and peaceful uses of outer space with
special emphasis on the Outer Space Treaty.
It is important to understand that the two core concepts of the
Outer Space Treaty, PEACEFUL PURPOSES and COMMON HERITAGE (see end note) are really
'transnational' as opposed to international notions. They presume that
the peoples(nations) of the world are pledging to operate differently in
the space environment than they have been accustomed to acting in the
earth's environment. In that sense the treaty is very idealistic and
practical at the same time. Nationalism even in its international form
is hand in glove with militarism. It is this bond which transnationalism
hopes to break.
It is fair to point out that in the treaty itself the notion of
transnationalism is not followed as the drafters (principally the USSR
and the US) make specific applications of the idealistic goals of the
document. Thus we have the classic difference between Article 1 and
Article 3. Article one says space is to be reserved for peaceful
purposes. Article three, as interpreted by the super powers, says
everything is peaceful except weapons of mass destruction that are placed
in earth orbit. Both countries were assuming that it was lawful under
the treaty to send ICBMs through the space medium on their way to their
earthbound targets. Under that loose definition everything the U.S. and
other space capable nations have done in space is peaceful and thus
lawful. On the other hand, if article one is the norm all the same
activities are unlawful. Another point to keep in mind when discussing
this matter with a US policy maker is that our government maintains that
all US military activities are defensive and therefore peaceful under
terms of this treaty and the UN charter.
Another basic understanding is that this treaty and almost all
others are considered to be between nations and that nations, not
individuals, have standing to call for their enforcement (there is
another view of this which we will go into later). To further complicate
the enforcement question, the International Court of Justice can only
litigate a dispute if both parties agree beforehand to be bound by the
court's decision. Without the good faith of its signors a treaty becomes
a hollow shell. Case in point, the Outer Space Treaty.
The concept of common heritage is also problematic, because it is
both transnational and anticapitalist. Multinational corporation see a
great potential for exploitation of space resources. This had become a
pivotal problem by the time of the drafting of the Moon Treaty(1980). It
has never been ratified by the US and other key space capable nations.
There is another view of the binding nature of all treaties
governing the conduct of war and related activities such as war planning
and weapons production. One of the chief US advocates of this theory is
Francis Boyle, professor of international law at the University of
Illinois. I will greatly simplify his position for the sake of this
argument. It goes something like this: Treaties under our constitution
are considered to be "the supreme law of the land" (Article VI of the US
Constitution). The United Nations Charter which outlaws war is such a
treaty. The Charter for the conduct of the Tokyo and Nuremburg war
crimes trials is such a treaty. A citizen of the US is bound to obey the
UN Charter and the terms of any treaty governing the conduct of war..
This individual(citizen) responsibility is in line with the
"transnational" concept we discussed earlier. Regardless of our national
identity we have an obligation to honor international law. The clearest
case for this regards weapons of mass destruction such as nuclear bombs.
As we know space based resources are key to target selection and delivery
systems of all ICBMs. Such systems are unlawful under the Outer Space
Treaty. Many have used the arguments of Professor Boyle, found in his
book "Defending Civil Resistance under International Law". We have
asserted, sometimes successfully, that we have an obligation, in
conscience, to uphold international law when our own government is
breaking the law.
The ABM treaty is part of the SALT I agreement between the Soviet
Union(now Russia) and the United States. It prohibits any space
deployment of a system designed to shoot down an enemy's missiles. Even
though it is only a bilateral treaty, it has been observed by other
countries in the interest of avoiding an arms race in space. If the US
with or without Russian cooperation acts to undermine the treaty it will
open the door to such an arms race in space.
It should be noted that neither the ABM treaty nor the Outer Space
Treaty in its weak interpretation bans anti-satellite(ASAT) weapons.
In conclusion I would make 2 final points. We need to demand that
current laws regarding military activities in space be observed by all
nations regardless of their relative size or political power. And we
need an updated version of the Outer Space Treaty to deal with today's
realities. If we do not do these things our species is doomed to
extinction.
Bill Sulzman
End Note:
The "province of all mankind" principle specifically means that
all nations have the nonexclusive right to use space. It does not refer
to, nor does it imply any legal status regarding assests and/or property
rights. The "common heritage" principle contained in the Moon Treaty
comes from the negotiations in the Law of the Sea Convention and it refers to
the legal status of property rights. The US, the former Soviet Union and
the developing nations disagreed to the kind of property rights and that
is why the Moon Treaty was not ratified by the US. The US did ratify the
Outer Space Treaty and it does recognize the "province of all mankind"
principle that all nations have the nonexclusive right to use space.
Citizens for Peace in Space
Colorado Springs, Colorado
The following legal correction has been submitted and is added here with the consent of the author of the main article (who is not a lawyer):