
In Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell described a
superstate called Oceania, whose language of war
inverted lies that “passed into history and became
truth. ‘Who controls the past’, ran the Party slogan,
‘controls the future: who controls the present controls
the past’.”
Barack Obama is the leader of a contemporary Oceania. In
two speeches at the close of the decade, the Nobel Peace
Prize winner affirmed that peace was no longer peace,
but rather a permanent war that “extends well beyond
Afghanistan and Pakistan” to “disorderly regions and
diffuse enemies”. He called this “global security” and
invited our gratitude. To the people of Afghanistan,
which America has invaded and occupied, he said wittily:
“We have no interest in occupying your country.”
In Oceania, truth and lies are indivisible. According to
Obama, the American attack on Afghanistan in 2001 was
authorised by the United Nations Security Council. There
was no UN authority. He said the “the world” supported
the invasion in the wake of 9/11 when, in truth, all but
three of 37 countries surveyed by Gallup expressed
overwhelming opposition. He said that America invaded
Afghanistan “only after the Taliban refused to turn over
[Osama] bin Laden”. In 2001, the Taliban tried three
times to hand over bin Laden for trial, reported
Pakistan’s military regime, and were ignored. Even
Obama’s mystification of 9/11 as justification for his
war is false. More than two months before the Twin
Towers were attacked, the Pakistani foreign minister,
Niaz Naik, was told by the Bush administration that an
American military assault would take place by
mid-October. The Taliban regime in Kabul, which the
Clinton administration had secretly supported, was no
longer regarded as “stable” enough to ensure America’s
control over oil and gas pipelines to the Caspian Sea.
It had to go.
Obama’s most audacious lie is that Afghanistan today is
a “safe haven” for al-Qaeda’s attacks on the West. His
own national security adviser, General James Jones, said
in October that there were “fewer than 100” al-Qaeda in
Afghanistan. According to US intelligence, 90 per cent
of the Taliban are hardly Taliban at all, but “a tribal
localised insurgency [who] see themselves as opposing
the US because it is an occupying power”. The war is a
fraud. Only the terminally gormless remain true to the
Obama brand of “world peace”.
Beneath the surface, however, there is serious purpose.
Under the disturbing General Stanley McCrystal, who
gained distinction for his assassination squads in Iraq,
the occupation of one of the most impoverished countries
is a model for those “disorderly regions” of the world
still beyond Oceania’s reach. This is a known as COIN,
or counter-insurgency network, which draws together the
military, aid organisations, psychologists,
anthropologists, the media and public relations
hirelings. Covered in jargon about winning hearts and
minds, its aim is to pit one ethnic group against
another and incite civil war: Tajiks and Uzbecks against
Pashtuns.
The Americans did this in Iraq and destroyed a
multi-ethnic society. They bribed and built walls
between communities who had once inter-married,
ethnically cleansing the Sunni and driving millions out
of the country. The embedded media reported this as
“peace”, and American academics bought by Washington and
“security experts” briefed by the Pentagon appeared on
the BBC to spread the good news. As in Nineteen
Eighty-Four, the opposite was true.
Something similar is planned for Afghanistan. People are
to be forced into “target areas” controlled by warlords
bankrolled by the Americans and the opium trade. That
these warlords are infamous for their barbarism is
irrelevant. “We can live with that,” a Clinton-era
diplomat said of the persecution of women in a “stable”
Taliban-run Afghanistan. Favoured western relief
agencies, engineers and agricultural specialists will
attend to the “humanitarian crisis” and so “secure” the
subjugated tribal lands.
That is the theory. It worked after a fashion in
Yugoslavia where the ethnic-sectarian partition wiped
out a once peaceful society, but it failed in Vietnam
where the CIA’s “strategic hamlet program” was designed
to corral and divide the southern population and so
defeat the Viet Cong -- the Americans’ catch-all term
for the resistance, similar to “Taliban”.
Behind much of this are the Israelis, who have long
advised the Americans in both the Iraq and Afghanistan
adventures. Ethnic-cleansing, wall-building,
checkpoints, collective punishment and constant
surveillance – these are claimed as Israeli innovations
that have succeeded in stealing most of Palestine from
its native people. And yet for all their suffering, the
Palestinians have not been divided irrevocably and they
endure as a nation against all odds.
The most telling forerunners of the Obama Plan, which
the Nobel Peace Prize winner and his strange general and
his PR men prefer we forget, are those that failed in
Afghanistan itself. The British in the 19th century and
the Soviets in the 20th century attempted to conquer
that wild country by ethnic cleansing and were seen off,
though after terrible bloodshed. Imperial cemeteries are
their memorials. People power, sometimes baffling, often
heroic, remains the seed beneath the snow, and invaders
fear it.
“It was curious,” wrote Orwell in Nineteen Eighty-Four,
“to think that the sky was the same for everybody, in
Eurasia or Eastasia as well as here. And the people
under the sky were also very much the same, everywhere,
all over the world … people ignorant of one another’s
existence, held apart by walls of hatred and lies, and
yet almost exactly the same people who … were storing up
in their hearts and bellies and muscles the power that
would one day overturn the world.”
- John Pilger is a world-renowned journalist, author
and documentary filmmaker. "It is too easy," he says,
"for Western journalists to see humanity in terms of its
usefulness to 'our' interests and to follow government
agendas that ordain good and bad tyrants, worthy and
unworthy victims and present 'our' policies as always
benign when the opposite is usually true. It's the
journalist's job, first of all, to look in the mirror of
his own society."
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